The Nameless War
by Captain Achibald. H. Maule Ramsay
THE NAMELESS WAR
by Captain Achibald. H. Maule Ramsay
Britons Publishing Company
Reprinted 1956, 1977. Other reprints in Australia and elsewhere.
Sometimes with abridgements
COMPLETE TEXT SIMILAR TO THE PRINTED EDITION.
THE AUTHOR: Captain Archibald Maule Ramsay was educated at Eton and the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, and served with the 2nd Battalion Coldstream Guards in the First World War until he was severely wounded in 1916 — thereafter at Regimental H.Q. and the War Office and the British War Mission in Paris until the end of the war.
From 1920 he became a Member of H.M. Scottish Bodyguard.
In 1931 he was elected a Member of Parliament for Midlothian and Peeblesshire.
Arrested under Regulation 18b on the 23rd May, 1940, he was detained, without charge or trial, in a cell in Brixton Prison until the 26th September, 1944. On the following morning he resumed his seat in the House of Commons and remained there until the end of that Parliament in 1945.
1. THE BRITISH REVOLUTION
2. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
3. THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION
4. DEVELOPMENT OF REVOLUTIONARY TECHNIQUE
5. GERMANY BELLS THE CAT
6. 1933: JEWRY DECLARES WAR
7. “PHONEY WAR” ENDED BY CIVILIAN BOMBING
8. DUNKIRK AND AFTER
9. THE SHAPE OF THINGS TO COME
10. PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S ROLE
11. REGULATION 18B
12. WHO DARES?
I shall always be grateful to the many Members who made my return to the House very much easier than it might have been, by their immediate greetings and friendly attitude. Many, I fear, whose actions in the Chamber itself and outside were detected or reported to the press representatives, found themselves the victims of a vendetta inside their constituencies and in the Press on that specific account.
When we reflect upon these bloody happenings from the time of King Charles I to our own day, we can at long last find only one cause for satisfaction, if such a word can be in any way appropriate. It is that for the first time we can now trace the underlying influences, which explain these hideous disfigurations in European history.
In the light of present-day knowledge, we can now recognise and understand the true significance of these terrible happenings. Instead of mere disconnected occurrences, we can now discern the merciless working of a satanic plan; and seeing and understanding, we are in a position to take steps in the future to safeguard all those values, which we love and stand for; and which that plan clearly seeks to destroy.
We can at last begin to oppose the planners and operators of that plan, knowing about it and their technique, which till now have been known to them alone. In other words, being fore-warned, it is our fault if we are not fore-armed.
Let us not forget such words as those of the Jew Marcus Eli Ravage, who wrote in the Century Magazine U.S.A. in January 1928;
“We have stood back of, not only the last war, but all your wars; and not only the Russian, but all of your revolutions worthy of mention in your history.”
Nor should we forget those of Professor Harold Laski, writing in the New Statesman and Nation on 11th January, 1942;
“For this war is in its essence merely an immense revolution in which the war of 1914, the Russian Revolution, and the counter revolutions on the Continent are earlier phases.”
Nor the warning from that eminent Jewish American Attorney, publisher and reporter, Henry Klein, issued only last year;
“The Protocols is the plan by which a handful of Jews, who compose the Sanhedrin, aim to rule the world by first destroying Christian civilisation.”
“Not only are the Protocols genuine, in my opinion, but they have been almost entirely fulfilled.”
They have indeed been largely fulfilled; no small measure of Jewish thanks being due to Mr. Roosevelt and his “ardent lieutenant,” the self-styled “architect of the Jewish future.”
In the process, however, Britain and her Empire and, worse still, her good name and honour have been brought down to the dust.
As Professor Beard wrote:
“The noble principles of the Four Freedoms and the Atlantic Charter were for practical purposes discarded in the settlements which accompanied the progress and followed the conclusion of the war. In the validity of this statement the treatment of the people of Esthonia, Lithuania, Poland, Roumania, Yugoslavia, China, Indo-China, Indonesia, Italy, Germany and other places of the earth bear witness.”
There appeared recently in the press the cry of Mrs. Chiang Kai Shek calling Britain a “moral weakling” (in reference to China). “Britain has bartered the soul of a nation for a few pieces of silver”, she is reported as saying; and further; “One day these pieces of silver will bear interests in British blood, toil, sweat and tears on the battleground of freedom”. It might be General Sikorski himself speaking, might it not?
In the same paper I saw that Mr. Jackson Martindell, president of the American Institute of Management, has declared that “an Englishman’s word is no longer his bond”. How often have I heard this from Arab sources since 1939?
“I hate to say this,” Mr. Martindell continued, “but Britain is becoming poor morally as well as economically.”
From Poland to Palestine and to China these words are re-echoed, and be it said, reiterated by the Jew-wise section of this country for many years.
The reason is not far to seek. No man can serve two masters, more especially when the principles and interests of these two masters are as widely divergent as are those of Britain and her Empire, and Jewry and their Empire, the U.S.S.R.
Ever since the fall of Mr. Chamberlain’s Government, the interests of the Jewish Empire have been advanced as prodigiously as those of Britain and her Empire have been eclipsed.
Stranger than all this — should any dare to state the truth in plain terms — the only response is an accusation of anti-Semitism.
As Mr. Douglas Reed has clearly shown, the term “anti-Semitism” is meaningless rubbish — and as he suggests it might as well be called “anti- Semolina.”
The Arabs are Semites, and no so-called “anti-Semite” is anti-Arab.
It is not even correct to say that he is anti-Jew. On the contrary, he knows better than the uninformed that a fair proportion of Jews are not engaged in this conspiracy. The only correct term for the mis-called “anti-Semitic” is  “Jew-wise.” It is indeed the only fair and honest term.
The phrase “anti-Semite” is merely a propaganda word used to stampede the unthinking public into dismissing the whole subject from their minds without examination; so long as that is tolerated these evils will not only continue, but grow worse.
The “Jew-wise” know that we have in Britain a Jewish Imperium in Imperio, which, in spite of all protestations and camouflage, is Jewish first and foremost, and in complete unison with the remainder of World Jewry. If any doubt this they need only read Unity in Dispersion, issued in 1948 by the World Jewish Congress, which proclaims Jewry to be one nation.
Not all Jews here wish to be railroaded into this narrow social tyranny; but unless this country affords them some way of escape they dare not take the risks — very grave risks — of defying it; and so they perforce co-operate to some degree.
Even worse, certain Gentiles with no good excuse support this united force, which is in turn used to influence or control our political parties, home and foreign policies, press and public life.
This unholy united front must be exposed and frustrated. One step towards this objective would seem to be firstly an enactment to prevent Gentile Esaus from lending their hands for the carrying out of orders uttered by the voice of Jewish Jacobs.
Another, the detachment from the Jewish United Front of Jews, who do not wish to subscribe to the dictates of the World Jewish Congress.
First and foremost however is the need to inform people of good will as to the truth of this matter, particularly in regard to the real anatomy, aims, and methods of the Marxist enemy.
It is to that end, that I humbly offer the contents of this book to all, who are determined to fight Communism.
Statement by Capt. Ramsey from Brixton Prison to the Speaker and Members of Parliament concerning his detention under Paragraph 18B of the Defence Regulations.
All the particulars alleged as grounds for my detention are based on charges that my attitude and activities in opposition to Communism, Bolshevism, and the policy of organised Jewry were not genuine, but merely a camouflage for anti-British designs.
In the following memorandum, which could be greatly expanded, I have given a minimum of facts, which prove that not only was my attitude genuine, open, and unvarying during the whole of my time in the House of Commons, but that in the course of my researches I had accumulated numerous and conclusive facts compelling such an attitude, and leading logically to the formation of the Right Club, an essentially patriotic organisation.
During the whole of my time as M.P. (since 1931) I have kept up an open and unremitting attack on Bolshevism and its allies. Indeed, I had already started this opposition long before I became an M.P.
The following survey will show this; and also the eventual formation of the Right Club as the logical outcome of my work.
This work falls into three phases.
During the first, dating from soon after the Russian Revolution till about 1935, I supposed the powers behind Bolshevism to be Russian: In the second (1935-38) I appreciated that they were International: By the third phase, I realised them to be Jewish.
It was always a mystery to me in Phase I why Russians spent so much time and money on revolutionary activities in Britain.
My first active step was to speak in the election made famous by the publication in the Daily Mail of the letter written by Zinoviev alias Apfelbaum, calling for revolution in Britain. (I spoke against Bolshevism, and in the Northwich division.)
On being elected in 1931, I joined the Russian Trade Committee, which kept a watch on their activities here. I also joined the Council of the Christian Protest Movement, founded to protest against the outrages on priests, nuns, and the Christian churches committed by the Bolsheviks. Hansard will show that I asked many questions during this period, attacking their activities in this country.
In Phase II, I recognised the forces behind Bolshevism not to be Russian, but international.
I tried to picture the composition of that mysterious body, the Comintern, over whom, according to the replies to my Parliamentary questions, the Soviet Government could exercise no control.
In the latter end of this phase I had made sufficient progress with this mental picture of the Comintern, that I made it the subject of a number of addresses, which I gave to Rotary Clubs and other societies in London, Edinburgh, and elsewhere, entitling them frequently, Red Wings Over Europe.
This second phase lasted well into the Spanish Civil War. Recognising almost at once the guilt of the Comintern in the whole affair, down to the International Brigade, I attacked them continuously by a stream of questions in the House.
The attitude of the entire British national Press at first amazed, and subsequently helped to enlighten me, as to the real powers behind World Revolution. The press presented General Franco’s enemies as liberal and Protestant reformers, instead of the anti-God international revolutionaries they were.
Officials of the Russian Cheka were actually in charge of the prisons on the Red side. McGovern established all the main facts in his pamphlet, Red Terror in Spain.
I organised parades of sandwich-men at this time to expose the Bolshevik guilt in Spain, assisted a paper called The Free Press, and did what propaganda I could. Some eighty or ninety M.P.s subscribed at one time or another to these efforts.
In September 1937 I accepted the Chairmanship of the United Christian Front Committee, on behalf of Sir Henry Lunn. Thereafter many thousands of letters were sent out over my signature to leading people in the Kingdom, appraising them of the true facts of the war in Spain, and urging Christians of all communities to join in combating the Godless Red Terror, that threatened Spain then, and thereafter all Europe, Britain included.
A number of patriotic societies now began to co-operate regularly with me in this work against Bolshevism, including the National Citizens’ Union, the British Empire League, the Liberty Restoration League, and the Economic League. We took to meeting regularly in a Committee Room of the House of Commons.
In May 1936, when I set out to oppose the entry into this country of agents of the Comintern for attending the so-called Godless Congress, we were joined by the British Bible Union, the Order of the Child, and the British Israel World Federation. From information given me by these societies, I realized that the previous Godless Congress, held at Prague, had brought under unified control all the National Free-Thinker societies, who were now under the authority of the Militant Godless of Russia, and were therefore a subtle and potent weapon for Bolshevik propaganda.
At our meetings to co-ordinate opposition, we all agreed that while it was perhaps the right of British men and women to hold a Congress on any subject, this liberty should not be construed into licence for international revolutionaries to develop their plans for the destruction of the religious, social and public life of our country.
On the 28th June, therefore, I introduced a Bill entitled the ALIENS’ RESTRICTION (BLASPHEMY) BILL, to prevent aliens from attending this Congress, or making it the occasion for the distribution of their blasphemous literature.
The Bill received a first reading by 165 votes to 134. In the No Lobby were Messrs. Rothschild, G.R. Strauss, T. Levy, A.M. Lyons, Sir F. Harris, D.N. Pritt, W. Gallacher, Dr. Haden Guest and Dr. Summerskill.
In the autumn of 1938 I was made acquainted with the fact that the power behind World Revolution was not just a vague body of internationalists, but organized World Jewry. The first document so convincing me was actually a British Government White Paper, of whose existence I had not been previously aware. This quoted verbatim an extract from a report received by Mr. Balfour on September 19th, 1918, from Mr. Oudendyke, the Netherlands Minister in Petrograd, who was at that time in charge of British interests there, as follows;
“The danger is now so great, that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British Government and all other Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism at once the civilization of the whole world will be threatened. This is not an exaggeration, but a matter of fact … I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue before the world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread over Europe and the whole world in one form or another, as it is organized and worked by Jews, who have no nationality and whose one object it is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things. The only manner in which this danger can be averted would be collective action on the part of all the Powers.”
Almost as remarkable as the above quotation was the fact brought to my notice simultaneously, namely, that this White Paper had been immediately withdrawn, and replaced by an abridged edition, from which these vital passages had been eliminated. I was shown the two White papers — the original and the abridged issue, side by side. The second document which came to my notice at this time was the booklet entitled, The Rulers of Russia, written by Dr. Dennis Fahey, C.S.S.P., and bearing the imprimatur of the Archbishop of Dublin, dated the 26th March, 1938. In the opening sentence of this pamphlet Dr Fahey writes;
“In this pamphlet I present to my readers a number of serious documents which go to show that the real forces behind Bolshevism are Jewish forces; and that Bolshevism is really an instrument in the hands of the Jews for the establishment of their future Messianic kingdom.”
Dr. Fahey then adduces an interesting volume of evidence. On page 1 he gives also the following passage by Mr. Hilaire Belloc, taken from the latter’s Weekly, dated 4th February, 1937;
“As for anyone who does not know that the present revolutionary Bolshevist movement in Russia is Jewish, I can only say that he must be a man who is taken in by the suppression of our deplorable Press.”
Other authorities quoted in the pamphlet include Dr. Homer, D. Sc., Count Leon de Poncins in his Contre-Revolution, and evidence given on 12th February, 1919, before a Committee of the United States Senate by the Rev. George A. Simons, Superintendent of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Petrograd from 1907 to October 6th 1918.
The Rev. Mr. Simons stated on this occasion with regard to the Bolshevik Government in Petrograd;
“In December 1918 … under the Presidency of a man known as Apfelbaum (Zinoviev)… out of 388 members, only 16 happened to be real Russians, and all the rest (with the exception of one man, who is a Negro from North America) were Jews … and 265 of these Jews belonging to this Northern Commune Government that is sitting in the old Smolny Institute come from the Lower East Side of New York — 265 of them.”
On page 8 Dr Fahey quotes figures showing that in the year 1936;
“The Central Committee of the Communist Party in Moscow, the very centre of International Communism, consisted of 59 members, of whom 56 were Jews, and the other three were married to Jewesses …”
“Stalin, present ruler of Russia, is not a Jew, but he took as his second wife the twenty-one year old sister of the Jew L.M. Kaganovitch, his right-hand man, who has been spoken of as his probable or possible successor. Stalin’s every movement is made under Jewish eyes.”
In addition to these documents there now reached me a quantity of evidence concerning Jewish activities in Great Britain in the shape of subversive organizations of every description, anti-religious, anti-moral, revolutionary, and those working to establish the Jewish system of financial and industrial monopoly.
Thus I became finally convinced of the fact that the Russian and Spanish revolutions, and the subversive societies in Britain, were part and parcel of the one and the same Plan, secretly operated and controlled by World Jewry, exactly on the lines laid down in the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, filed in the British Museum in 1906 (which had been reproduced soon after the last war by The Morning Post, and from which this newspaper never recovered). These Protocols are no forgery, and I and others could supply evidence to that effect that would convince any impartial Tribunal.
At the next meeting of the patriotic and Christian societies, I felt in duty bound to broach the Jewish question; and realized, very soon, that there had come a parting of the ways. With very few exceptions our co-operation ceased. I realized that if anything was to be done, some special group would have to be formed which, while retaining the essential characteristics of the former one, would take up the task of opposing and exposing the Jewish menace. It was then that the idea of the Right Club originated, though the actual formation did not actually come about till some months later, in May 1939.
From the autumn of 1938 onwards, I spent many hours a week talking to back-benchers and members of the Government alike on these subjects.
The very magnitude of the issues involved put many off. One particular rejoinder typifies in my recollection this sort of attitude; 
“Well, that is all very disturbing, awful, in fact: but what is one to do about it? I shall go off now and try and forget all about it as soon as possible.”
About the end of 1938, news was brought to me that the control shares of the Daily Mail were for sale.
Knowing that a severe advertisement boycott had been put in operation against the paper following upon its having printed two or three articles giving what in Internationalist eyes had been a pro-Franco view of the Spanish War (in reality, the truth), the news was no great surprise to me.
Could I find a buyer? I decided to approach a certain very wealthy and patriotic peer, the head of a great business. A mutual friend arranged an interview.
On introduction I gave a survey of the activities and power of Organized Jewry in general, and of their secret publicity control in Britain in particular, as I saw it. When I ended after some 70 minutes, general concurrence in my views was expressed. Thereupon the mutual friend and I tried to persuade our hearer to buy the said shares and “tear the gag off the conspiracy of silence.” “I daren’t,” he replied, “they would bring me to a crust of bread. If it was only myself, I wouldn’t mind; I’d fight them. But many of my shares are held by the widow and the orphan, and for their sakes I must refuse.”
On our expressing astonishment that Jewry could inflict such crushing retaliation on a man of his financial strength and industrial power, and so conspicuous a national figure, he gave us details of just such retaliation directed against him by Organized Jewry some years previously. He had refused to comply with some demands they had made of him affecting his works. After a final warning, which he ignored, a world boycott had been started against him, which had become effective in 24 hours, wherever he had agents or offices.
Fires and strikes also mysteriously occurred. The resulting losses had finally compelled him to give in.
Within 24 hours the boycott was lifted all over the world.
The consistent mis-reporting of important features in the Spanish Civil War had deeply impressed many M.P.s. They felt that a bias so extreme, so universal, and so consistent, always against Franco, indicated the existence of some deliberate plan, and though unwilling to agree my thesis, that the Jews were operating this control by  various means, and that the whole affair was part of their World Plan, nevertheless many felt that something was very wrong somewhere.
In the course of these conversations I obtained the support of Members of all parties to the Bill I was preparing in this connection.
On December 13th, 1938, I introduced the Bill entitled COMPANIES ACT AMENDMENT BILL, which made it compulsory for shares in Newspapers and News Agencies to be held in the actual names of the holders, instead of the names of nominees as is done now in the majority of cases.
The Bill received a First Reading by 151 votes to 104. In the Aye Lobby were Members of all parties, including 13 Right Hon. Gentlemen (8 of these Socialists).
In the No Lobby were messrs. Rothschild, Schuster, Shinwell, Cazalet, Gallacher, Sir A. Sinclair, Gluckstein, and Mr. Samuel Storey opposed, also blocked the Bill; and seemed suitable for that role.
I now took the decision to proceed at once with the formation of a group similar in character to the group of representatives of Christian and patriotic societies, which I had worked with up to the emergence of the Jewish problem; but this time a group which would place opposition to that menace in the forefront of its activities.
The group was finally inaugurated in May 1939, and was the Right Club.
Simultaneously, a Committee was formed with the dual purpose of co-ordinating the work of all the Patriotic Societies referred to on pp.—— and of being a recruiting ground for the Right Club. This group was called the Co-ordinating Committee.
Mr. Cross was the Secretary, and the late Duke of Wellington, President of the Liberty Restoration League, was the Chairman at most of the few meetings we held. The first object of the Right Club was to enlighten the Tory Party and clear it from any Jewish control.
Organized Jewry was now clearly out for World War. The failure of their International Brigade in Spain, and the growing exposure of themselves, and the consequent risk of total collapse of their plans rendered immediate war from their point of view imperative.
In July 1939 I had an interview with the Prime Minister. I dealt with the Russian Revolution, and the part Jewry had played in it; and with the Spanish Revolution, prepared and carried out on similar lines by much the same people; with the subversive societies in Britain, and the Press and news control existing in this country. I finally drew the Prime Minister’s attention to the underground work that was going on with object of overthrowing his peace policy and himself, and precipitating the war. Mr. Chamberlain considered that charges of so grave and far reaching a character would require very substantial documentary proof. I decided to collect documentary proof which would make it possible for action to be taken.
The outbreak of war enabled the Jews to give their activities the cloak of patriotism. Their press power enabled them to portray those opposing their designs and exposing them as pro-Nazi, and disloyal to Britain. The difficulty I was faced with was that while I was in duty bound to warn the country against the consequences of a policy influenced by Organized Jewry and opposed to British interests, I, at the same time, did not want to create difficulties for Mr. Chamberlain.
It was decided, therefore, that the Right Club should close down for the duration. The spirit of the Club naturally led the younger members to join the Services, wherein they have served with distinction on most fronts. It was in keeping with the same spirit that others, not so engaged, should continue to fight the internal enemy, no less formidable than the Axis Powers and in a way more dangerous, owing to his secret methods and the fact that he can work from within as well as from without.
To this end, therefore, I and others in an individual capacity disseminated on occasion some leaflets of mine called Do You Know? and Have You Noticed? ; my verses beginning “Land of dope and Jewry”, and some anti-Jewish stickers. This was with the idea of educating the public sufficiently to maintain the atmosphere in which the “phoney” war, as it was called, might be converted into an honourable peace.
It was certainly not defeatist, as Jewish propaganda tried to make out. It was not we of the Right Club who were holding back from the fighting Services in this war, any more than in the last; quite the contrary.
I was determined to make further efforts to convince Mr. Chamberlain, and even perhaps the 1922 Committee, of the truth of my case, and thus avert total war, and commenced reinforcing the documentary evidence already in my possession.
By January 1940, I had details of nearly thirty subversive societies working on various revolutionary and corrosive lines, and had completed a very large chart, showing the principal members of each.
Six names stood out clearly, as a sort of interlocking directorate. They were Prof. H. Laski, Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, Prof. Herman Levy, Mr. Victor Gollancz, Mr. D.N. Pritt, M.P., and Mr. G.R. Strauss, M.P.
In February 1940, on my arrival in London, I was handed the literature of a new group, who were advocating FEDERAL UNION. The list of supporters’ names was startling. It might have been copied from the chart I had just completed. There could be no mistake as to the source of this scheme. Later, when this group became active, I put down the following questions;
Captain Ramsay asked the Prime Minister whether he could assure the House that the creation of a Federal Union of the European States is not one of the war aims of H.M.’s Government.
Mr. Butler (on May 9th) gave a non-committal reply. To this I asked the following supplementary;
Captain Ramsay; Is my Right Hon. Friend aware that this plan, if adopted, will arouse hostility against us in almost the whole of Europe, who look upon it as the setting up of a Judæo-Masonic super-State?
[Note.— The Protocols of the Elders of Zion make it clear the World Jewry and Orient Masonry will set up just such a regime after the Gentile States have been reduced by War and Revolutions to hewers of wood and drawers of water.)
Mr. Butler; I would rather leave my Hon. Friend’s interpretation of this plan to him.
A virulent press campaign was now in full swing to suppress “Anti-Semitic” views and activities by declaring that “Anti-Semitism” was pro-Nazi.
Fearing less the Home Secretary might be inclined into this direction, which was a false direction, I asked him on May 9th, 1940;
Captain Ramsay; Whether he will give an assurance that care will be taken both in the administration of the present regulations, and in framing revised ones, that a distinction is made between anti-semitism and pro-Naeism?
Sir J. Anderson; I hope that any restrictive measures applied to organized propaganda may in practice be confined to such propaganda as is calculated to impede the war effort; and from that point of view I cannot recognise as relevant the distinction which My Hon. and Gallant Friend seeks to draw.
Captain Ramsay; While thanking by Right Hon. Friend for his reply, in view of the fact that he seems somewhat confused on this point, will he assure the House that he refuses to be stampeded into indentifying the two things by a ramp in our Jew ridden Press?
Sir J. Anderson; There is no question of my being stampeded into anything.
It was in the last weeks of Mr. Chamberlain’s Premiership that I was enabled to look through some of the U.S. Embassy papers at Mr. Kent’s flat.
This then was the position, and these were the considerations which led me to inspect them.
1. Together with many members of both Houses of Parliament, I was fully aware that among the agencies here and abroad, which had been actively engaged in promoting bad feeling between Great Britain and Germany, Organized Jewry, for obvious reasons, had played a leading part.
2. I knew the U.S.A. to be the headquarters of Jewry, and therefore the real, though not apparent, centre of their activity.
3. I was aware that Federal union was the complement in international affairs of the scheme of Political and Economic Planning (P.E.P.). The Chairman of P.E.P. is Mr. Israel Moses Sieff, who is also Vice-Chairman of the Zionist Federation and Grand Commander of the Order of Maccabeans, designed to bring about Bolshevism by stealth in the sphere of industry and commerce, and that it must be regarded as the Super-State, which is one of the principal objectives of International Jewry.
4. I recognized that plans for establishing Marxist Socialism under Jewish control in this country were far advanced. As to their intentions, there could be no doubt.
5. I knew that the technique of International Jewry is always to plan the overthrow at critical junctures of any national leader who seriously opposes some essential part of their designs, as for instance Mr. Chamberlain had done by adhering to his policy of pacification, and that in this case Mr. Chamberlain’s fall would precipitate total war.
6. I remembered that Mr. Lloyd George had said in the House of Commons, that if we were let in for a war over Poland without the help of Russia, we should be walking into a trap. We walked into that trap.
Further information as to its origin, design, and ultimate objective, would have strengthened Mr. Chamberlain’s hand, and would have enabled him to take the appropriate counter-measures.
As a Member of Parliament, still loyal to Mr. Chamberlain, considered it my duty to investigate.
About the 9th or 10th of May I went to Scotland for a fortnight’s rest, having seen only a part of the documents, and intending to resume my investigations on my return.
Before I could conclude them, however, Mr. Chamberlain had fallen from office, and I was arrested a few days later on the steps of my house, when 1 returned to London on the 23rd May, 1940.
I am appending the Particulars, alleged as Reasons for my detention, and my comments thereon.
(Signed) ARCHIBALD RAMSAY
Brixton Prison, August 23rd, 1943.
PARTICULARS ALLEGED AS REASONS FOR MY DETENTION.
There follows here a copy of the Particulars, which were alleged to be reasonable grounds for my detention for the last three years.
It will be seen that the whole basis of every one of them is, that my opposition to Communism, Bolshevism and World Jewry was but a sham; a disloyal ruse, in fact, adopted. to mask anti-British activities in relation to the war.
Anyone conversant with doings in the House of Commons will be more or less familiar with the anti-Bolshevik activities that I have kept up openly and consistently all through my time in the House since 1931; and which activities became anti-Jewish in 1938, when I realized that Bolshevism was Jewish and an integral part of their World Plan.
The framer of these Particulars brushes aside the whole of that eight years’ record, and proceeds to fabricate and reiterate some new and disloyal purpose, for which slanders he offers no shred of substantiation.
(Defence Regulation 18B)
London, W. 1.
Telephone; REGent 4784
24th June, 1940.
REASONS FOR ORDER MADE UNDER DEFENCE REGULATION 18B IN THE CASE OF CAPTAIN ARCHIBALD MAULE RAMSAY, M.P.
The Order under Defence Regulation 18B was made against Captain Archibald Maule Ramsay, M.P., because the Secretary of State had reasonable cause to believe that the said Captain Archibald Maule RAMSAY, M.P., had been recently concerned in acts prejuicial to the public safety or the defence of the Realm, or in the preparation or instigation of such acts, and that by reason thereof it as necessary to exercise control over him.
The said Captain Archibald Maule RAMSAY, M.P.
(i) In or about the month of May 1939, formed an Organisation under the name of the “Right Club,” which ostensibly directed its activities against Jews, Freemasons and Communists. This Organisation, in reality, was designed secretly to spread subversive and defeatist views among the civil population of Great Britain, to obstruct the war effort of Great Britain, and thus to endanger public safety and the defence of the Realm.
(ii) In furtherance of the real objects of the Organisation, the said RAMSAY allowed the names of the members of the Organisation to be known only to himself, and took great precautions to see that the register of members did not leave his possession or control; and stated that he had taken steps to mislead the Police and the Intelligence Branch of the War Office as to the real activities of the Organisation.
These steps were taken to prevent the real purposes of the Organisation being known.
(iii) Frequently expressed sympathy with the policy and aims of the German Government; and at times expressed his desire to co-operate with the German Government in the conquest and subsequent government of Great Britain.
(iv) After the formation of the Organisation, made efforts, on behalf of the Organisation, to introduce members of the Organisation into the Foreign Office, the Censorship, the Intelligence Branch of the War Office, and Government departments, in order to further the real objects of the Organisation as set out in (i) hereof.
(v) After the outbreak of war, associated with and made use of persons known to him to be active in opposition to the interests of Great Britain.
Among such persons were one, Anna Wolkoff, and one, Tyler Kent, a Coding Officer employed at the Embassy of the United States of America. With knowledge of the activities in which Wolkoff and Kent were engaged, he continued to associate with them and to make use of their activities on behalf of the “Right Club” and of himself. In particular, with knowledge that Kent had abstracted important documents, the property of the Embassy of the United States of America, he visited Kent’s flat at 47, Gloucester Place, where many of the said documents were kept, and inspected them for his own purposes. He further deposited with the said Kent the secret register of the members of the “Right Club,” of which Organisation Kent had become an important member, in order to try and keep the nature of the Organisation secret.
(vi) Permitted and authorized his wife to act on his behalf in associating with, and making use of, persons known to him to be active in opposing the interests of Great Britain. Among these persons were Anna Wolkoff, Tyler Kent, and Mrs. Christabel Nicholson.
In or about the month of May 1939 formed an Organization called the “Right Club,” which ostensibly directed its activities against Jews, Freemasons, and Communists. This Organization was secretly designed to spread subversive and defeatist views among the civil population of Great Britain, to obstruct the war effort of Great Britain, and thus to endanger public safety and the defence of the Realm.
The formation of the Right Club, as the attached memorandum shows, was the logical outcome of many years of work against bolshevism, carried on both inside and outside the House of Commons, and well-known to all my political colleagues since 1931.
The main object of the Right Club was to oppose and expose the activities of Organized Jewry, in the light of the evidence which came into my possession in 1938, some of which is given in the memorandum.
Our first objective was to clear the Conservative Party of Jewish influence, and the character of our membership and meetings were strictly in keeping with this objective. There were no other and secret purposes.
Our hope was to avert war, which we considered to be mainly the work of Jewish intrigue centred in New York. Later, I and many others hoped to turn the “phoney” war into, not total war, but an honourable negotiated peace.
It is difficult to imagine a body of persons less capable of being “subversive” as this Particular suggests, and coupling this charge with the charge of being “defeatist” places this whole Particular in the realm of the ludicrous.
“In furtherance of the real objects of the Organization the said RAMSAY allowed the names of the members of the Organization to be known only to himself, and took great precautions that the register of members did not leave his possession or control; and stated that he had taken steps to mislead the Police and the Intelligence Branch of the War Office as to the real activities of the Organization. These steps were taken to prevent the real purpose of the Organization being known.”
The real objects of the Right Club being the declared objects, and there being no other objects whatever, the latter part of this Particular is pure fabrication.
There was only one respect in which our aims differed from the Police and M.I., namely, the Jewish question.
Neither Police nor M.I. recognised the Jewish menace. Neither had any machinery for dealing with it, or for withholding information from Jewish members of their personnel.
If names of members of the Club had been placed at the disposal of either of these departments, they would have been seized upon by the Jewish members therein, and reported on to the very quarters from which many members wished them to be withheld.
“Frequently expressed sympathy with the policy and aims of the German Government; and at times expressed his desire to co-operate with the German Government in the conquest and subsequent government of Great Britain.”
The latter half of this Particular is a fabrication so preposterous that I propose to treat it with the contempt it deserves.
Lord Marley embroidered this fiction in the Lords a few days after my arrest, insinuating that I had undertaken to be Gauleiter of Scotland.
My solicitors at once invited him to repeat his remarks outside. Needless to say, he did not do to, for there is not a shred of justification for either this Particular or his slanders.
The term “sympathy with the policy and aims of the German Government” is misleading to the verge of dishonesty. It suggests some general agreement or understanding.
Nothing of the kind existed.
I have never been to Germany, and beyond one formal luncheon at their Embassy knew no Germans. What little I had learned about the Nazi system did not appeal to me.
I have never approved of the idea of movements on distantly similar lines being formed in Britain. On the contrary, I disapproved.
My view was that the Unionist Party, once enlightened, was the body best suited to take the needful counter-measures to the Jewish plan, and that to do so successfully it did not even need to go outside the powers latent in our Constitution.
In a general way my views concerning German aspirations coincided exactly with those expressed by Lord Lothian in his speech at Chatham House on 29th June, 1937, when he said;
“Now if the principle of self-determination were applied on behalf of Germany in the way in which it was applied against her, it would mean the re-entry of Austria into Germany, the union of the Sudeten- Deutsch, Danzig and possibly Memel with Germany, and certain adjustments with Poland in Silesia and the Corridor.”
The only aspect of the Nazi policy which contacted in any special way with my views was the opposition to the disruptive activities of Organized World Jewry. No patriot-British, French, German or of any other nationality is justified in abandoning the defence of his country to that onslaught, once he has recognized its reality.
To confuse sympathy on this one and loyal point with sympathy with the whole Nazi policy and aims is dishonest; to develop this fallacy into a charge of preferring that system to our own, and being prepared to force that system (of which I disapproved) upon my own country, is the last word in infamy.
“After the formation of the Organization, made efforts on behalf of the Organization, to introduce members of the Organization into the Foreign Office, the Censorship, the Intelligence Branch of the War Office, and Government departments, in order to further the real objects of the Organization, as set out in (i) hereof!”
Again we have here the fabrication of the wholly unjustifiable charge of a secret and disloyal purpose, already dealt with in Particular (i), and my Memorandum.
In regard to the matter of members of the Right Club and Government offices, I would say this:
The objects of the Club being to spread as rapidly as possible the truth concerning the Jewish danger, time was always a vital factor. From the outset we were in a race with the Jewish propagandists.
To counter them in as many different spheres as possible was obviously the quickest method. Ten members in ten different spheres would spread our information more widely, more quickly than ten members all in the same office or club.
Every political group must follow these lines; this method is the common practice of all political parties.
I never at any time made any effort to get any member a job in any Government Office.
If a member had a choice of two jobs, and didn’t mind which he or she took, and asked me about it, I should clearly have replied that as far as the Club was concerned. the sphere in which we had no member to preach the gospel was the one to choose.
For the knowledge to reach such places as the Foreign Office, War Office, etc., was obviously to achieve the enlightenment of influential persons most rapidly of all.
“After the outbreak of war. associated with and made use ot persons known by him to be active in opposition to the interests of Great Britain. Among such persons were one, Anna Wolkoff. and one, Tyler Kent, a Coding Officer employed at the Embassy of the U.S.A., with the knowledge of the activities in which Wolkoff and Kent were engaged, he continued to associate with them and to make use of their activities on behalf of the “Right Club” and of himself. In particular with knowledge that Kent had abstracted important documents, the property of the Embassy of the U.S.A., he visited Kent’s flat at 47, Gloucester Place, where many of the said documents were kept. and inspected them for his own purpose. He further deposited with the said Kent the secret register of the members of the ‘Right Club,’ of which Organization Kent had become an important member, in order to try and keep the nature of the Organization secret.”
I have never at any time of my life associated with persons whom I have known to be in opposition to the interests of Britain. On the contrary, my whole record proves that I have devoted more time and trouble than most people to fighting just such persons.
I certainly did not know, and do not now know, that either Mr. Kent or Miss Wolkoff were engaged in activities calculated or likely to harm the interests of Britain.
From my own acquaintance with them both, and conversations I have had during that period, I know they both recognized the activities of Organized Jewry to be one of the most evil forces in politics in general, and one of the most dangerous to the interests of Britain in particular.
All their actions will have been directed to countering those Powers and their designs, and most certainly not to anything that might injure the interests of Britain.
As for myself, I should like to add here most emphatically, in view of various mendacious allegations on the subject that have since reached my cars, that I have never, and of course could never centemplate communicating information to enemy quarters.
Having reasonable cause to believe that the Jewish International intrigues to bring about total war radiated from New York, and knowing that activities were being carried on to sabotage Mr. Chamberlain’s policy of pacification and to bring about his overthrow, it was my obvious duty as a Member of Parliament, and one still loyal to Mr. Chamberlain, to make any investigation I could.
I deposited the Red Book of names of the Right Club members at Mr. Kent’s flat for the period of my absence from London only.
I had heard of several persons who had had their papers (dealing with the same sort of subjects as mine) ransacked by persons unknown in their absence.
As I have stated already, 1 had given explicit assurance of privacy to some of the persons whose names were entered therein. Had their names even come into the hands of the British Secret Police, personated as this force is by Jews, their attitude vis-a-vis the Jewish menace would have become known at once in the very quarters from which they made a particular point of their being withheld, namely, Jewish quarters.
Political burglary is no new thing in this country, when one is suspected of possessing information relating to the activities of Organized Jewry.
Lord Craigmyle, when Lord of Appeal, had his whole house ransacked, every drawer broken open and every paper searched without anything being stolen, at a time when it was reasonable to suppose that his papers contained such matter.
The Chief Lieutenant of Police in Edinburgh declared at the time that it was a “political burglary”; the perpetrators were never traced.
(See the letter of Lord Craiginyle, dated 6th July, 1920, entitled “Edinburgh and Freedom,” published in Letters to Isabel.)
“Permitted and authorised his wife to act on his behalf in association with, and making use of, persons known by him to be active in opposition to the interests of Great Britain. Among these were Anna WolkotT, Tyler Kent and Mrs. Christabel Nicholson.”
There is no truth whatever in this Particular and I propose to treat it with the contempt it deserves.
Needless to say, the Home Office Advisory Committee produced no evidence to support any of the slanders contained in any of the above Particulars
I submit this statement, and the comments on the Particulars, not for my own sake, but to enlighten the country.
When things reach a stage wherein a Lord of Appeal, whose papers are suspected of relating to the plans of Organized Jewry. can be “politically burgled.”
When a White Paper containing vital passages on Jewish World- Bolshevism can be immediately withdrawn, and reprinted omitting the vital passages.
When a leading British Industrialist can be blackmailed by Organized Jewry, and coerced into submission by boycott, strikes, acts of sabotage and arson.
When a Member of Parliament, who dares to try and warn the country against this menace of Organized Jewry and their help-mates (the only Fifth Column that really exists in this country) is thereupon imprisoned for three years on false charges.
When these things can happen in Britain, then there must surely be something wrong somewhere.
At a time when Britain and the Empire are engaged in a life-and-death struggle. surely there can be no room for the foul teachings and activities which I have touched upon.
While our sailors. soldiers and airmen are winning victories over the external enemies, surely it is the duty of every patriot to fight this internal enemy at home.
The Prime Minister. in his speech at the Mansion House, stated that he had not become the King’s First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire.
There are more ways than one of encompassing the liquidation of the British Empire today; and the National Leader who is determined to counter them all will not only need the utmost support of all patriots. but I believe it will be proved that his most formidable difficulties will emanate from just those very powers which I and other members of the Right Club have all along striven to oppose and expose.
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Chpt 1 & 2
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Chpt 3 & 4
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Chpt 5 & 6
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Chpt 7 – 10
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Chpt 11 & 12
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Epilogue
Click to go to >> The Nameless War – Appendixes
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