Uncovering The Forces For War – Part 5 – Appendices I to VII

Cover - Uncovering the Forces for War

 

 

 

Uncovering

 

The Forces For War

 

by

Conrad K. Grieb

 

[Part 5]

 

EXAMINER BOOKS

P. O. Box 144-Station Y

NEW YORK 21, N. Y.

Copyright. 1947

ANONYMITY

 

So you see, my dear Coningsby, the world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes.” — Coningsby (page 233, Century Edition, 1903) by Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield.

 

(First published in 1844)

 

VI

 

 

 

Contents

 

 

Foreword

 

1. British-American Rapprochement  1

2. British-German Cleavage 7

3. “Roping in America” — 1917  15

4. Twenty Years Armistice  27

5. “Roping in America” — 1941  49

6. Other Influences  73

7. Conclusions  89

 

Appendices:

No. I President Lincoln and the International Bankers of His Day  91

No. II British Concentration Camps In the Boer War  93

No. III The War in South Africa, by J. A. Hobson  95

No. IV Democracy and Social Instability, by J. Middleton Murry  99

No. V Winston Churchill in India 101

No. VI Winston Churchill on War  101

No VII  Walter Rathenau Predicted Germany Today  103

No. VIII  Austria Before Hitler, by Dr. Joseph Eberle  104

No. IX  Danzig and The Corridor, by W. H. Dawson  106

No. X Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith  107

No. XI  Theodore Herzl Confutes Nathan Ohrbach  108

Bibliography  110

Index  112

Books For Collateral Reading  117

 

 

VII

 

 

One does not need to be endowed with an abnormally vivid imagination in order to foresee that for us to guarantee Germany’s Eastern frontier would be an act of sheer criminal lunacy.” — R. W. Walmsley, London Economist, 14th Nov. 1931 (p. 914).

 

Sir Walter Layton, M.A., C.B.E., Editor of The Economist, commented on the letter above as follows:

 

We are apt to judge, when we look into the East Europe settlement, that its terms are inequitable and they ought not to be perpetuated even if they could be.” (Page 899.)

 

 

VIII

 

 

 

APPENDIX I

 

President Lincoln and The International Bankers Of His Day

 

 

 

During the American Civil War there was much international financial intriguing, [1] that is certain. The facts are concealed. They are never written of. So strong is the influence of “make-believe” — to make believe that something did not or does not exist because it is unpalatable to powerful groups — that up to now these facts are not admitted to have attained respectability in orthodox writings. La Vieille France published in March, 1921 (No. 216) an article by Conrad Siem giving an account of a conversation with Bismarck in 1876:

 

It is not to be doubted, I know of absolute certainty,” Bismarck declared, “that the division of the United States into two federations of equal power had been decided upon well in advance of the Civil War by the top financial power of Europe (la Haute Finance). These bankers were afraid that the United States, if they were to remain entirely one and were to develop into one Nation only, would achieve economic and financial independence, and this latter would completely upset the capitalist domination of Europe over the world.

 

Of course, within the ‘inner circle’ of Finance, the voice of Rothschild dominated. They foresaw the chance of prodigious booty if they could substitute two weak democracies, burdened with debt, imploring the aid of the Jewish financiers, in place of the vigorous Republic, confident and proud, sufficient unto herself. Consequently they put their emissaries in the field to exploit the question of slavery, to open up an abyss between the two sections of the Union.

 

——————–

1. See STATESMEN OF A LOST CAUSE, Burton J. Hendrick; MONEY CREATORS, Gertrude Coogan, Sound Money Press, Chicago, Ill.; THIS ONE MAD ACT, Izola Forrestor (Cushman & Flint, 1937); THE MAD BOOTHS OF MARYLAND (Bobbs-Merrill, 1940).

 

[Page 91]

 

Abraham Lincoln, of course, had never suspected these undercover manoeuvres. He had always been anti-slavery; he was elected as such; but his very character made it impossible for him to be a man of (only) one party once he was in power. When he got control, he saw clearly that the sinister financiers of Europe wanted to make him the tool of their designs.

 

The rupture between the North and South became inevitable; the masters of European finance employed all their forces to bring it about and to turn it to their own account. Lincoln’s personality surprised them. His candidacy had caused them no alarm; on the contrary, they had counted on easily duping the gullible backwoodsman. However, Lincoln saw through their game, and he understood that the worst enemy was not the South, but the Jewish capitalism of Europe. He confided his fears in no one; he thought carefully, he watched for the signs of the Hidden Hand; he did not want to publicly expose questions that would have disturbed the unknowing masses of the people; he decided alone to eliminate International Finance by setting up a system of loans that permitted the State to have the people (themselves) as loaners without intermediary. He had not studied questions of finance, but his great common sense told him that the source of all wealth rested in the labor and in the economy of the Nation. He opposed issues of paper negotiated by International Finance; he got from Congress the authority to lend directly to the people by selling them bonds of the State. The banks of the country were overjoyed to lend their approval to this system. The government and the Nation escaped the machinations of international finance. It then became a question of sticking to it until final victory of the North.

 

In proclaiming, in one of his early messages, that ‘Capital is solely the fruit of labor,’ Lincoln had no thought of launching a socialist smoke-screen (boniment); he simply made it known to the world that the United States had no need of alien capital in order to develop her resources; and this declaration of principle went hand in hand, in his own mind, with a concrete plan of economic organization.

 

The ‘inner circle’ of International Finance (then) knew that the immense field, immensely rich, of the United States, was to be taken out of their control. The death of Lincoln was decided upon. Nothing was simpler than to find a dupe to strike the fatal blow.

 

And Bismarck continued:

 

The death of Lincoln has been the very greatest disaster for Christendom. There was no one in the United States of sufficient stature to fill his shoes. Now Israel has again begun their mad scramble for gold in the new world. I am fearful that the Jewish bank, with all its guile and torturous methods, may entirely control the exuberant wealth of America and use it to systematically corrupt modern civilization. The Jews will not hesitate to plunge all of Christendom into wars and chaos to the end that ‘the earth shall be the inheritance of Israel.’

 

La Vielle France was the paper of M. Urbain Gohier, sixty or more year old French man in 1921. At that time he could be seen working strenuously in his Paris office at 5 Rue Pre-aux Clercs, against those anonymous forces that for many years had worked to undermine the governments of Europe. [2] These forces owe their triumph, in a large measure, to the perversion of the American mind to take delight in sacrificing hundreds of thousands of the Nation’s sons and billions of its wealth for the UNDER COVER FORCES FOR WAR.

 

——————

2. See MARXISM & JUDAISM, by Salluste, Examiner Books, New York).

 

 

 

APPENDIX II

 

British Concentration Camps In The Boer War

 

 

 

No doubt the vividness of the picture left on the horizon, “when the sun disappeared on the last day of the nineteenth centry,” blinded Mr. Dos Passos’ vision to the sufferings British imperialism was then imposing on the Boer people. I cite from an official report addressed to President Kruger by the Boer General Jan C. Smuts:

 

Lord Kitchener began to carry out in the two republics a policy distinguished by unheard of barbarity and by disregard of the elemental principles of all martial law. As a result, in the winter of 1901, our poor country and people were precipitated into a condition of devastation and misery which beggars description. Nearly all the farms and villages in the two republics were devastated and burnt to the ground; all the corn was destroyed; all the cattle that had fallen into the enemy’s hands killed or rather ruthlessly butchered. The great majority of our women and children ate their bread in tears in the enemy’s concentration camps and those still at liberty roamed about the bush and the mountains among Kaffirs and wild beasts’. The ‘veldt’ was set on fire in both republics by the enemy; as far as one could see everything was black.

 

One of the questionable fighting methods the enemy employs against us is his mendacity. That is to say, not only his lying proclamations and announcements whereby he incessantly endeavored to confuse our people and lead them astray from their duty, but also the reports which were circulated officially as well as unofficially throughout the whole world by the British press. In these everything is distorted — the entire war situation is represented in a manner calculated to give the world, and the British people in particular, an impression exactly opposite to the truth. . . . However, I am loath to dwell further on this pest of mendacity which poisons the entire British military world.

 

——————–

Africa Delenda Est.

 

[Page 95]

 

General Smuts then protests against the ‘torturing, imprisoning and ill treating of women.’ (It will be remembered that over 22,000 Boer women and children died in English prison camps.) Farther on General Smuts denounces ‘the arming and recruiting of the colored tribes’; thousands of Kaffirs being induced by fear or avarice to join the British forces. (In this, England followed her traditional policy as she did in employing the Indians (American — Ed.) to murder and scalp revolutionary soldiers.) General Smuts also denounced ‘the awful mutilation of Boer soldiers found on the battlefield.” He concludes:

 

The war has long since degenerated into an enterprise for the extermination of the Boer people. Day by day we learn of atrocities, all of which but form a commentary to the memorable words of the English High Commissioner himself that Afrikanders must be exterminated.” (Breaking The Silence, pp. 61-62, T. St. John Gaffney.)

 

 

 

APPENDIX III

 

The War In South Africa

 

 

Mr. J. A. Hobson, in his book THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA (Macmillan 1900), describes how a non-British group of international financiers used British imperialism to dominate the economic and political life of South Africa. He reveals the sordid details which orthodox writers and historians eulogized for popular consumption. Mr. Hobson is quoted at considerable length because the UNDER COVER FORCES FOR WAR are shown in full operation.

 

There will be no difficulty in drawing parallels between the war in South Africa and, the First World War; the Spanish Civil War; and finally the Second World War still running its course in the Freedom to Plunder, the Freedom to Enslave, the Freedom to Murder, and, most appallingly, the Freedom to Rape the defenseless women and girls of Europe.

[Page 95]

 

 

For Whom Are We Fighting?

 

A few of the financial pioneers in South Africa have been Englishmen, like Messrs. Rhodes and Rudd; but recent developments of Transvaal gold-mining have thrown the economic resources of the country more and more into the hands of a small group of international financiers, chiefly German in origin and Jewish in race. By superior ability, enterprise, and organization (italis ours — Ed.), these men, out-competing the slower-witted Briton have attained a practical supremacy no one who has visited Johannesburg is likely to question.

 

It should be distinctly understood that the stress which my analysis lays upon the Jew has reference to the class of financial capitalists of which the foreign Jew must be taken as the leading type.

 

Before I went there, the names of Beit, Ekstein, Barnato, etc., were of course not unknown to me; the very ship in which I crossed bore many scores of Jewish women and children. But until I came to examine closely the structure of industry and society upon the Rand I had no conception of their number or their power. I thus discovered that not Hamburg, not Vienna, not Frankfort, but Johannesburg is the New Jerusalem. . . .

 

It is not too much to say that this little ring of international financiers already controls the most valuable economic resources of the Transvaal (pp. 189-191)”.

 

. . . . a little reflection shows that while this class of financiers has commonly abstained in other countries from active participation in politics, they will use politics in the Transvaal. They have found the need for controlling politics and legislation by bribery and other persuasive arts hitherto: the same need and use will exist in the future. Politics to them will not merely mean free trade and good administration of just laws. Transvaal industry, particularly the mining industry, requires the constant and important aid of the State.

 

[Page 96]

 

The control of a large, cheap, regular, submissive supply of labour, the chief corner-stone of profitable business, will be a constant incentive to acquire political control: railway rates, customs laws, and the all-important issues relating to mineral rights, will force them into politics, and they will apply to these the same qualities which have made them so successful in speculative industry. In a word, they will simply and inevitably add to their other businesses the business of politics. The particular form of government which may be adopted will not matter very much. Government from Downing Street may perhaps hamper them a little more than the forms of popular representative government; but judicious control of the press and the assistance of financial friends in high places will enable them to establish and maintain a tolerably complete form of boss-rule in South Africa.

 

. . . We are fighting in order to place a small international oligarchy of mine-owners and speculators in power at Pretoria. Englishmen will surely do well to recognize that the economic and political destinies of South Africa are, and seem likely to remain, in the hands of men most of whom are foreigners by origin, whose trade is finance, and whose trade interests are not chiefly British” (Pages 196-197.)

 

 

A Chartered Press

 

When the capitalists of the Rand had determined upon a coup and possessed the full assurance that the British Government was behind them, they redoubled their efforts to precipitate a crisis. For this purpose notable changes were made in the press of Johannesburg.” (Page 208.)

 

. . . The chief object of this press conspiracy, to attain which every nerve was strained, was the conquest of the Government and the conscience of Great Britain. I have no hesitation in saying that a large proportion of the outrages and other sensations emanating from the press of Johannesburg and Cape Town were designed chiefly, if not exclusively, for the British market.” (Page 215.)

 

[Page 97]

 

What I am describing is nothing else than an elaborate factory of misrepresentations for the purpose of stimulating British action. To those unacquainted with the mechanism it may seem incredible that with modern means of communication it has been possible to poison the conscience and intelligence of England. But when it is understood that the great London press receives its information almost exclusively from the offices of the kept press of South Africa, the mystery is solved.” (Page 216.)

 

When it is borne in mind that this great confederation of press interests is financially cemented by the fact that Rand mining magnates are chief owners of at least two important London daily papers and of several considerable weekly papers, while the wider and ever-growing Jewish control of other organs of the press warrants a suspicion that the direct economic nexue between the English press and Rand finance is far stronger than is actually known, we shall have a clear comprehension of the press conspiracy which has successfully exploited the stupid Jingoism of the British public or its clearly conceived economic ends.” (P. 217.)

 

One last link in the chain deserves notice. It was necessary not only to deceive the British public as to the true position in South Africa, but also to deceive South Africa as to the state of feeling in Great Britain. I need not describe in detail how this was done; how intelligence from Europe was selected, distorted, heightened or suppressed, in order to support the agitation among the British Colonists and Outlanders, and to goad on the Governments and the Republics towards the precipice of war. The virtual unanimity of all parties in England, with the exception of a mere despicable handful of Little Englanders, the support of the entire British press, the endorsement of a drastic policy by European Governments-these points were enforced by every art of the suppressio veri* and the suggesto falsi.” (Pages 227-228.)

 

———————

*Interestingly The Weekly Review (London), the journal of “The Little Englanders,” published a pamphlet on the falsity of press reporting during the Spanish Civil War, entitled SUPRESSIO VERI, by Vincent Wright.

 

[Page 98]

 

 

APPENDIX IV

 

Democracy and Social Instability

 

 

 

J. Middleton Murry, an English author of note, in his book, BETRAYAL OF CHRIST BY THE CHURCHES, supplies us with a realistic study of what has actually happened (page 182):

 

We are horrified at the turn world-history has taken; but we ourselves are largely responsible for it. The new and sinister combination between nationalism and industrialism is, to a large extent, a reaction to the behavior of nineteenth century Britain. Wealth then poured into this country as the result of our pioneering in machine-manufacture. That influx of wealth was so great that it reconciled us to the entire dislocation of our national economy, and the terrible proliferation of urban industrial squalor at the cost of agricultural and handicraft decay. By the accepted standards of British society, the wealth which we acquired was ample compensation for the ruin of a natural and balanced economy. But our export of cheap manufactures shattered the traditional economy of the nations or the peoples who bought from us. The hand-weaver of Austria, or India, found himself ruined by our cheap textiles. And for these ruined national economics there was no compensation in any new accession of wealth. Inevitably the reaction was nationalistic. The nations protected themselves by tariffs, and proceeded to industrialize themselves at their own pace, and in their own interests.

 

Of all self-righteous illusions the British tradition of the virtue of free trade is one of the most pathetic. Free trade, as we practiced it, was a shocking violation of true international morality; yet for generations of Britons it was itself the perfection of international morality. The tradition is so strong that we will tend to regard the determination of other nations to make themselves self-sufficient as retrograde and immoral. It might be retrograde in respect of a just or fraternal world-economy, in which nations supplied one another’s deficiences without seeking profit on the transaction; but in respect of world free trade as practiced by Britain it is a positive advance. The determination to keep the shaping of natural economy in the hands of the nation, and not to expose it to the disruptive and irresponsible influences of world trade and international finance, is in itself entirely laudable. It makes for the stability of society, as against the inherent instability created by a capitalist and free-trade economy.

 

[Page 99]

 

By the standards of free-trade capitalism social instability is a virtue, though it goes by another name. It is called the free flow of labour. But this freely flowing labour, in human terms, is the incessant uprooting of human beings from their environment at the fiat of some enterprising and irresponsible profit-seeker. How many men in this country are living in the parishes in which their grandfathers were born? Almost certainly not more than a few hundred thousand; probably not more than one-fiftieth or one-hundredth of the whole population. The consequence is that the great majority of the British people have no stable ways of life, no local memories, no natural piety. They lack a center of gravity; they are at the mercy of cosmopolitan sensationalism, naked to the essentially homeless and irresponsible influences of the cinema, the circula — their food now comes to them in tins, — or from the fried fish pantechicon. They have lost what the sociologist calls their folk-ways.

 

It is against this fearful uprooting that totalitarian nationalism and self-sufficiency is a protest. It is an attempt to recreate social stability by authoritarian control of the national life. Unless we understand it as an effort to remedy a disease so deep-rooted in our own country that we are hardly conscious of its existence, we live in a world of illusion. While we live in that world of illusion the danger is great that we shall discover that totalitarianism is stronger, not only materially, but morally, than what we call democracy. For behind our facade of democracy the development of social instability has gone on unchecked for generations.

 

[Page 100]

 

If democracy is, as it should be, a political system which recognizes the right of the individual person to the fullest and freest development compatible with the harmonious development of society as a whole, our democracy is hardly more than a caricature of true democracy. It produces millions of uprooted and unstable persons and confers upon them the right to decide upon issues they cannot comprehend. And even the tiny minority which appreciates, for the right reason, our tradition of freedom of speech and expression might well be visited by profound misgiving if it were to ask itself the question: “Would it not be better for society as a whole if we were to surrender our right to free expression, provided that the wholesale debauching of the people by the circulation press and the cinema were brought to and end?” (End of quote)

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX V

 

Winston Churchill In India

 

 

 

Air Marshal Tedder made every effort to be a worthy pupil of his superior, former Prime Minister Churchill. In his book A ROVING COMMISSION, Churchill writes about India:

 

Sir Bindon (Blood) sent orders that we were to stay in Mamund Valley (India) and lay it waste with fire and sword in vengeance. This accordingly we did with great precautions. We proceeded systematically, village by village, and we destroyed the houses, filled up the wells, blew down the towers, cut down the great shady trees, burned the crops and broke the reservoirs in punitive devastation.” (Page 147.)

 

[Page 101]

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX VI

 

Winston Churchill On War

 

 

 

Many quotations on methods of warfare from the writings of Clausewitz, Trietschke, von Bernhardi and Banse have been widely publicized. To these should be added one from the writings of Winston Churchill:

 

It was not until the dawn of the twentieth century of the Christian era that war really began to enter into its kingdom as the potential destroyer of the human race. . . .

 

The press affords a means of unification and of mutual encouragement; Religion having discreetly avoided conflict on the fundamental issues, offered its encouragements and consolations. impartially to all combatants.

 

Instead of merely starving fortified towns, whole nations were to be methodically subjected. to the process of reduction by famine* The air opened paths along which death and terror could be carried far behind the lines of the actual armies, to women, children, the aged, the sick, who in earlier struggles would perforce have been left untouched.

 

But all that happened in the four years of the Great War was only a prelude to what was preparing for the fifth year. The campaign of the year 1919 would have witnessed an immense accession to the power of destruction. Had the Germans retained the morale to make good their retreat to the Rhine, they would have been assaulted in the summer of 1919 with forces and by methods incomparably more prodigious than any yet employed. Thousands of aeroplanes would have shattered their cities. Scores of thousands of cannon would have blasted their front. Arrangements were being made to carry simultaneously a quarter of a million men, together with all their requirements, continuously forward across country in mechanical vehicles. . . Poison gas of incredible malignity, against which only a secret mask (which the Germans could not obtain in time) was proof, would have stifled all resistance and paralyzed all life on the hostile front. The signal of relief was given, and the horrors of 1919 remained buried in the archives of the great antagonists. . . .

 

—————–

* British 1918-1919 blockade of Germany — see UNFINISHED VICTORY, by Arthur Bryant. 1945-1946 American Morgenthau Plan for Germany — see AMERICA’S CHOICE: PEACE OR MORGENTHAU PLAN, Senator William Langer, United States Senate, April 18, 1946.

 

[Page 102]

 

The campaign of 1919 was never fought; but its ideas go marching along. In every army they are being explored, elaborated, refined under the surface of peace, and should war come again to the world it is not with the weapons and agencies prepared for 1919 that it will be fought, but with the developments and extensions of these which will be incomparably more formidable and fatal . . .” (The Great War, Vol. 3, Page 1602, Library of Congress 521.C497.)

 

 

 

 

APPENDIX VII

 

Walter Rathenau Predicted Germany Today

 

 

 

Walter Rathenau wrote many letters bearing on the events of his time, contributed numerous articles to newspapers, and was the author of several books. From WALTER RATHENAU, HIS LIFE AND WORK, by Gount Harry Kessler, we quote the following:

 

’Three hundred men, all acquainted with each other,’ wrote Rathenau in 1909 in the Christmas number of the Neue Freie Press, ‘control the economic destiny of the Continent.’ He himself was one of the three hundred. He was associated at that time with eighty four large concerns, either as a member of the supervising board or as a managing director.” (Page 121.)

 

In December, 1918, he wrote two open letters, one ‘To all who are not blinded by hate’ and the other to President Wilson’s friend, Colonel House. ‘He who visits Germany twenty years hence,’ he said in the first, ‘Germany which he had known as one Earth’s fairest lands, will feel his heart sinking in grief and shame . . . The German cities will not be precisely ruins; they will be half-dead blocks of stone, still partly tenanted by wretched, careworn beings .. The country will be trodden under foot, the woods hewn down, the fields scarce showing their miserable crops; harbors, railways, canals, will be in ruins and decay, and everywhere will stand the mighty buildings of the past, crumbling reminders of the age of greatness . . . The German spirit which has sung and thought for the world will be a thing of the past, and a people still young and strong today, and created by God for life, will exist only in a state of living death.’” (Page 273.)

 

[Page 103]

 

To President Wilson’s friend he wrote: ‘Never since history began has so much power been entrusted to any one body of men as to Wilson, Clemenceau, and Lloyd-George today. Never before has the fate of a healthy, unbroken, gifted and industrious people been dependent on one single decision of a group of men. Suppose that a hundred years hence the thriving towns of Germany are deserted and in ruins, its trade and industry destroyed, the German spirit in science and art dead, and German men and women in their millions torn and driven from their homes — will the verdict of history and of God then be that this people have been treated justly, and that the three men responsible for this devastation have done justice-’” (Page 273.)

 

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