THE RIDDLE OF THE JEW’S SUCCESS : IV – The International Connection and Secret League of the Hebrews

The Riddle of the Jew’s Success

Chapter IV







Translated from the German by Capel Pownall







From Metapedia




Theodor Emil Fritsch (October 28, 1852 near Leipzig – September 8, 1933) was a German antijudaist whose views did much to influence popular opposition to Jewish supremacism in Germany during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.


A believer in the absolute superiority of the Aryan race, Fritsch was upset by the changes brought on by rapid industrialization and urbanization, and called for a return to the traditional peasant values and customs of the distant past, which he believed exemplified the essence of the Volk.


In 1883 he founded the Hammer Publishing House.


One of Fritsch’s major goals was to unite all Jew-resister political parties under a single banner; he wished for opposition to Jewish supremacism to permeate the agenda of every German social and political organization. This effort proved largely to be a failure, as by 1890 there were over 190 various patriotic parties in Germany. He also had a powerful rival for the leadership of the patriots in Otto Böckel, with whom he had a strong personal rivalry.


In 1893, Fritsch published his most famous work, The Handbook of the Jewish Question also known as the Anti-Semitic Catechism which criticed the Jews and called upon Germans to refrain from intermingling with them. Vastly popular, the book was read by millions and was in its 49th edition by 1944 (330,000 copies). The ideas espoused by the work greatly influenced Hitler and his party during their rise to power after World War I. Fritsch also founded a journal – the Hammer (in 1902) and this became the basis of a movement, the Reichshammerbund, in 1912.


His better known book, The Riddle of the Jew’s Success was published in English in 1927 under the pseudonym F. Roderich-Stoltheim, and dealt with the negative impact that Jewish values and the centralization of the German economy in Jewish hands had on the German people. This book was recently republished by Noontide Press, and was the subject of a media controversy after it was banned by and other online book sellers.


Fritsch held the publication rights to the German edition of Henry Ford’s work The International Jew.





[Note: Clicking on the Chapter heading will take you to that post]

Chapter …………………………………………………………..……………………………………. Page


I Preface ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 5

II Jewish Methods in the Economic Life …………………………………………………. 10

III Particular Business Tactics of the Jew ……………………………………………….. 29

IV The International Connection and Secret League of the Hebrews ………… 39

V The Peculiar Morality of Jewdom ………………………………………………………….. 53

VI An Explanation with Sombart …………………………………………………………….. 68

VII Jewish Successes in Modern Times …………………………………………………… 72

VIII The Stock-Exchange …………………………………………………………………………. 84

IX How Sound Business Methods are Forced Out of the Field by the Jews … 98

X Jewish Trade Specialities ……………………………………………………………………… 111

XI Moral Principles in Trade …………………………………………………………………….. 141

XII The Hebrews as Supporters of Capitalism …………………………………………. 154

XIII Business and Religion ……………………………………………………………………… 183

XIV The Race Problem ………………………………………………………………………….. 200

XV Origin of the Jewish Entity ……………………………………………………………….. 220

XVI The Influence of the Jew Upon Womankind …………………………………….. 242

XVII The Jews and the World-War ………………………………………………………….. 277

Concluding Words ………………………………………………………………………… 283

Errata …………………………………………………………………………………………… 290







The International Connection and


Secret League of the Hebrews.


Amongst the various causes of the tremendous advance of the Jews, special emphasis must be laid upon one of the most important — the way in which they play into one another’s hands internationally. The Jewish success can be attributed, in a large measure, to the cooperation of many in conformity with a principle of unity.


The House of Rothschild stands, before the eyes of all, as the most striking example of this, and is testimony at the same time to the avalanche-like growth of the property, which is strictly confined in Jewish ownership, and which plays the chief part in sucking dry the national prosperity, not only of entire Europe, but also of most other countries.



1. The Rothschilds.


The role of the great millionaires, who control the economic life of America, has been played in Europe, until quite recently, almost exclusively by the House of Rothschild with its five branches in Paris, London, Frankfort on the Main, Vienna and Naples.* The Rothschilds, however, can only be compared with the former, i.e., the American millionaires so far as their actual riches are concerned, and not with regard to their economic position.


  • The founder of this house, with its world-wide connections, was Mayer Anselm (Amschel) Rothschild at Frankfort on the Main (1743-1812).

He had five sons, of whom Anselm (1773—1855) took over the management of the Frankfort House, Salomon Mayer 1774 — 1855) that of the Vienna House, Nathan Mayer (1777 — 1836) that of the London House. Karl (1788-1855) that of the House at Naples, and Jacob (James) Rothschild (1792 — 1868) that of the Paris House.


[Page 39]


The money-princes of America are always striving to utilise their gigantic fortunes for the further economic development of their country; the Rothschilds, on the contrary, compose a cosmopolitan company, without any country of its own, devoted to the mere acquisition of money, and which lives solely from the “financing” of the productive power of others. And, in order to ply this business on as great and as safe a scale as possible, the House of Rothschild has devoted particular attention to that chronic want of money, which is displayed by the Governments of the various countries. For the last 50 years, scarcely a single national loan of any importance has been negotiated and concluded without the Rothschilds; they have their fingers on the pulse of every exchange, and no one knows better than they how to skim the cream off all important economic operations.


If one was desirous of writing an appropriate description of the various influences, which the Rothschilds exercise on our economic life, and upon our politics, the material would fill volumes. In this case a mere indication must suffice, and reference must be made to other books. Even in Sombart’s work there is something on the subject. The so-called “Germanicus-Broschüren” (pamphlets) published during the years 1880-1888 by G. Richter at Frankfort on the Main, contain most instructive matter. Also F. v. Scherb: “Geschichte des Hauses Rothschild” (History of the House of Rothschild) Berlin 1892.


Germanicus” is evidently a well-informed judge of all matters relating to the Exchanges, and particularly so of the Jewish fraternity of Frankfort, and he lays bare relentlessly the fraudulent machinations of the great Jewish firms. But although some of these pamphlets passed through several large editions the voice, which spoke, therein died away, completely unheard in authoritative circles, and has not led to the slightest proceeding against the systematic plundering of the people, which takes place on the Stock Exchanges — a proof of the terrible ban, which Jewry has already cast over our public life. Nothing which runs counter to Jewish interests can any longer obtain publicity.


[Page 40]


If Social Democracy were a genuine movement of the people, it would find, in this respect alone, its most urgent call to come to grips with the real robbers of the nation; but the genuine friend of the people learns to his astonishment, that the apparent representatives of the Proletariat extend their hands protectingly over the machinations of the Stock Exchange, and march, arm in arm, with the very men, who arrange how the people are to be deceived. With what notorious assiduity the leaders of the Proletariat have earned their title, “The Truncheon-Guard of the Jews”, can be learnt from the fact, which has never been challenged, that during all the incendiary destruction, which took place at the time of the Paris Commune in 1870, the only property, which remained completely unharmed, was that of Mr. Rothschild.


Further material for the chapter on the Rothschilds and their companions is to be found in the writings of Otto Glagau: “Der Börsen-und Gründungsschwindel in Berlin” (The Stock Exchange and Establishment swindle in Berlin) and also “in Germany” (1877).


Old Meyer Anselm (Amschel) Rothschild laid the foundation of his fortune in Frankfort on the Main, as is known, with the capital of the former Landgraf and later Kurfürst, William I of Hesse who, during the time of the Napoleonic wars (1806—1813), handed over the whole of his fortune, amounting to 12, or, according to other authorities, to 21 million thalers, and the whole of which had been acquired by the sale of soldiers to other powers, partly by his father, and partly by himself, to the Frankfort money-man at 2 per cent (some say, free of interest) for many years, in order to guard it from the hands of the enemy. As money is very scarce, and is in very great demand during times of war, the clever banker earned, not only 5 and 10 per cent interest, but even higher rates, by means of the royal treasure. And those, who held the purse-strings for the German Federation, were guilty of the criminal folly of entrusting the huge sums of money, paid by France, as war reparation, and which had been marked for the erection of fortresses for the protection of the Federation, to the Frankfort Jews, and in particular, to the House of Rothschild, at the rate of only 2 per cent for 20 years!


[Page 41]


Thus, the House of Rothschild has utilised the millions, belonging to princes and states, to make a foundation for its own world-wide power, and to still further extend its usury amongst princes and peoples. It became the money-lender and the money-broker for the Governments of all the European states, and from then onwards exercised a fateful influence upon all political proceedings.* It is significant that Amschel Meyer Rothschild, the eldest son of the founder of the business, was present at the Vienna Conference in 1815, spoke on that occasion, and was altogether a personality of considerable importance. In 1845, Prince Metternich wrote to the French Ambassador in Paris:

The House of Rothschild plays a far greater rôle at Frankfort than any foreign government, with the exception, perhaps, of the English. There are natural reasons for this, which one certainly cannot regard as good, and which, from a moral point of view, are still less satisfactory. Money is the great and final tribunal in France” etc.



  • This is best shown by the drastic speech of the old tribal mother Rothschild, when she said to her sons:

Don’t give the Princes any money, so that they will not be able to make war.


The fine art of the Hebrew has always consisted in ascertaining, by means of espionage, the approaching shortage in goods and provisions, in buying up the same, and then, when they are urgently needed, only parting with them at a profiteer’s price. In times of war it is scarcely possible to satisfy the requirements of the army without the aid of the Jews, as they have already laid their hands on all available stores, and secured the same by deeds of purchase and payments on account. That the House of Rothschild is quite at home in this underhand business, is proved by the following passage out of a letter from Nathan Rothschild, the third son of Meyer Amschel, to his friend, the politician Thomas Buxton:


When I had established myself in London, the East India Company** sold gold to the amount of 800,000 pounds sterling. I bought it all, because I knew that the Duke of Wellington must have it; I had bought up a large number of his bills at a cheap rate.*** The Government sent for me, and declared that they must have the money. As soon as they had it, they did not know how to send it to Portugal. I undertook this as well, and sent the money across France. This was the best piece of business, which I have ever done.


** According to an article in the Quarterly Review, June to September 1848, page 127, reviewing a book called, “Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton, Bart.,” the amount is given as 800,000 lbs. of Gold! As twenty Troy pounds of Standard Gold, i.e., 22 carat Gold, are coined into 934 sovereigns and one half-sovereign, the above-mentioned amount of 43 800,000 lbs. would represent in minted gold the enormous sum of £37,380,000, that is to say if Troy Pounds and Standard Gold are meant in Buxton’s memoirs; if Avoirdupois Pounds and Fine Gold are intended, the minted value would be still larger — far over £40,000,000! It is incredible that Nathan Rothschild, or even the East India Company, had such an enormous amount of Gold at their disposal.

The great probability is, that the actual amount of Gold, whether “standard” or “fine”, was represented, as Fritsch has stated, by a minted value of £800,000. (Translator’s note)

*** Wellington, who was a spendthrift in private life, was first Lord of the Treasury from 1826-1830.


[Page 42]


And the members of this firm, which has become rich through countless, unclean, financial operations, have been ennobled (Amschel Meyer by the Emperor of Austria already in 1815), have been loaded with orders and decorations, and have been entrusted by princes and persons of rank with the management of their fortunes, and princes and persons of rank did not regard it as degrading to maintain relations with these wholesale usurers — yes, they sank almost to subserviency in their eagerness to help this descendant of a Frankfort Jew, who dealt in old clothes, and who had no other name than that of the house in which he lived, to play a more important part even than that assigned to kings and princes of the royal blood. And sprigs of the oldest and most illustrious nobility, who desired that everyone should know that their honour was a rare and costly possession, bent the knee before men, whose ancestor had adopted as his watchword; “My money is my honour”.*)


  • Mayer Amschel Rothschild writes as follows in a dunning letter to the agent of the Kurfürst Wilhelm II of Hesse:

He, who has my money, holds my honour, and my honour is my life; he, who does not pay me my money, takes my honour away from me.

The original letter was sold by auction by Rud. Lepke in Berlin.


The increase in the wealth of the House of Rothschild is calculated as follows by the writer on political economy — Dr. Rud. Herm. Meyer — in the eighties:


The Parisian Rothschild (II) died in 1875, and left 1000 million francs.

One is entitled, therefore, to estimate the combined fortunes of the members of the House of Rothschild at 5000 million francs. The Rothschilds make more than 5 per cent interest. Let us reckon in the meantime, that this “Plus” is utilised for their maintenance, and that their capital only doubles itself every fifteen years. One is entitled to assume this, because it has actually increased more quickly since the founding of the House. If it had only doubled itself every 15 years, it would have amounted to:


1875     5000 million Francs

1860     2500 …

1845     1250 …

1830     625 …

1815     312 …

1800     156 …


It may be pointed out, however, that old Rothschild had no fortune whatever to speak of in the year 1800. One is therefore entitled to assume, that if a remedy is not to be found by means of anti-capitalistic, truly economic legislation, the fortune of the Rothschilds will continue to double itself every 15 years.


With this fact in view, one is quite in order in asking what relation does the income of the remainder of humanity bear towards it. The kingdom of Saxony is one of the richest and most prosperous of the German states. In the year 1876 the income, which had been assessed for income-tax, of 2-3/4 million inhabitants, amounted to 459 francs a head, and in 1877 to only 430 francs a head. The fifteen per cent income derived from the present fortune of the Rothschilds is therefore as large as the combined incomes of 581,400 Saxon citizens in the year 1877. If one assumes, that the average income throughout Europe always remained the same as that of the Saxons in the year 1877, and, bearing in mind the fact that the income of the Rothschilds doubles itself every fifteen years, one arrives at the following result:

The fortune of the Rothschilds amounted, in the year 1875, to 5000 million francs; the income out of this was as great as the combined income of 589,000 ordinary individuals; in 1890 the fortune of the Rothschilds amounted to 10,000 million francs; the income out of this was equal to the combined incomes of 1,150,000 ordinary individuals; in 1905 the fortune would amount to 20,000 million francs providing an income, from which 2,320,000 human beings — half the population of the kingdom of Saxony in the year 1905 — would have to live. In the year 1920, the fortune will have swollen to 40,000 million francs; in the year 1965 the fortune will amount to no less than 320,000 million francs, providing an income equal to the sum of the incomes, upon which 37,120,000 human beings must exist.


[Page 44]


Thus writes Rud. Meyer. This survey, even if it can lay no claim to absolute accuracy, shows nevertheless, in a very instructive manner, how a great mass of capital, which is constantly increasing by means of compound interest, grows after the manner of an avalanche, and, like a sponge, sucks up the whole economic life. For these huge accumulations of property do not, of course, consist of real money, but simply of the debts and obligations of others; their growth, therefore, indicates a progressive indebtedness of the productive and owning classes, and also of the countries themselves.


The success of the House of Rothschild is entirely attributable to the fact that the firm possessed simultaneously an establishment in each of the five most important countries in Europe, and maintained, by means of their representatives at these establishments, a constant service of news, relating to all political and economic circumstances, which was utilised to exercise active influence in every direction. The five great banking houses, which all worked on exactly the same lines, and played into one another’s hands, formed, whenever a crisis arrived, a united power, opposed to which the governments of countries were but little better than powerless.



2. The “playing into one another’s hands”, and secret understanding of the Hebrews.


This particular instance is not necessary to demonstrate how valuable organised collaboration is to business interests. The superiority of the Jewish organisation over individual activity is apparent in countless cases of everyday life — from the buying of rags, and the operations of the auction-room hyenas, to cattle-dealing and traffic in stock-exchange shares. The Hebrew, however, is already quite capable, as an individual alone, of out-stripping all sound and honest competitors in the business arena; not only does his innate and trained sense of business give him the advantage, but, before everything else, he is enabled to do this by particular tactics and by the unscrupulousness of his procedure.


[Page 45]


And, granted that the Hebrew possesses an eminent talent for commerce, and all kinds of remarkable characteristics, which enable him to force the average German business-man out of the saddle, these powers increase until they become absolutely irresistible when several cooperate to exert them in the same direction.


The German business-man, as a rule, stands as a single individual, opposed to all the rest; he endeavours to advance his business by his own power and ability, and nowadays it is quite the exception for him to receive any special help or advancement from relatives or friends. With the Hebrews it is quite different. The strong “holding-together” of this foreign national element is a world-wide historical fact. One hears them extolled in all quarters, because they stand by one another and support themselves. That is certainly a praiseworthy characteristic, and, as such, may appear worthy of imitation.


In the case of the Jews, this “holding-together” does not arise from unalloyed mutual goodwill; it is rather a duty of life, created by tradition, and indispensable for this people. The Hebrew recognises the fact that, owing to his peculiar behaviour, and to his peculiar designs, which are hostile to the rest of humanity, he would be powerless in the world as a separate individual. The co-operation of kindred powers, in the same direction, appears to him as necessary law of life.


It is solely due to the fact that many of his kind — either by agreement or impelled by the common instinct — incessantly oppose the established regulations of the honest and productive nations, that that kind of dissoluteness, and that kind of confusion are produced in the social structure, which are essential to the prosperity of the Hebrews.


For this reason no one finds “holding together” so necessary as the Jews. In all their business, whether it be as agent or middleman in the country, or as wholesale merchant or stockbroker in the towns, the Hebrews are organised everywhere in bands or gangs.


[Page 46]


Even in the domain of theft where, until a few decades ago, they were considerably more active than at the present moment, they had developed theft by gangs, until it could almost be regarded as an art.* Each one had a separate part to play. For instance, there were the “scout”, who had to “provide” the opportunity, the “Schmiere-Steher


(Grease Stander) whose business it was to keep a look-out, while the theft was being committed, fellow-conspirators who received the stolen goods, and all kinds of other people, who helped to make “gang-robbery” so successful. One has only to read the writings of the criminal actuary Thiele, which were published in the forties of the last century under the title: “The Jewish Swindlers in Germany”, to learn on what a magnificent scale the people of Judah showed their skill on every occasion, both in organisation, and in the assignation of the part, which each should play.


In one particular case — Rosenthal versus Löwenthal — there were no less than 700 thieves and accomplices prosecuted, who were, almost without exception, Hebrews, and whose communications extended, from certain towns in Poland, as far as the Rhine, with branches all over Germany. This powerful “Chawrusse” carried on burglary, embezzlement, artificial bankruptcy, and the traffic in stolen goods, on a truly grand scale. Anyone, who reads the account of the trial at the time, cannot help being struck by the fact that quite a number of characteristic names of various [members of this band of thieves are to be found today amongst the magnates of finance and the matadors of the Stock Exchange in Berlin, until the impression gains ground that the present-day Jewish corporation of the Stock Exchange is a direct continuation of the old swindling “Chawrusse” of Bentschen and Neutomischel.


  • The “Thieves’ Jargon” or “Rotwelsch” is, on this account, full of “Yiddish”, which is a corrupt form of German spoken by Hebrews: compare also Avé-Lallemant: “Das deutsche Gaunertum* (German Swindledom) 4 Volumes 1854.



[Page 47]


One must not, by any means, believe that the connection between thieves and bankers belongs to the past. When four Jewish burglars were captured recently in the act of robbing a warehouse in the vicinity of Paris, a large number of letters were found in their possession, connecting them with some of the leading Jewish firms in London and Antwerp. The public press unfortunately remained silent concerning what other discoveries were made in the course of the investigation.


3. Nomadism of the Hebrew.


Internationality presumes, of necessity, a departure from the stationary habit — from the attachment to the soil, to the home, to the Fatherland. Since the Jew knows no Fatherland in our sense of the word, Internationality is an essential part of his peculiar disposition, and impels him, on principle, to assume a hostile attitude towards all national effort. For this reason the German disposition is especially hateful to the Jew.


Sombart very appositely represents the Jews as a nation of wanderers —of “nomads”, compared with the stationary nations.* Out of this fundamental opposition arises a wide divergence in the views taken with regard to life and to economic principles. The stationary individual must, of necessity, favour well regulated conditions and stability, in order that he may have full scope for his productive and constructive activity. The nomad, animated by the impulse to convey all his possessions along with him, and to make them as portable as possible, must always foster the wish to make things and values moveable; in fact, to “mobilise” them. Consequently he is not in love with fixity and constancy of relations and regulations; he desires, on the contrary, to see everything in a state of flux and revolution. The ground with its surface-soil, which is the preliminary condition, and forms the foundation for all productive and stationary nations, has little meaning for the nomad — if he is not able to convert it into moveable, liquid values. He accomplishes this by the production of “paper values”, for which the immoveable goods of stationary citizens are pledged.



  • He was certainly not the first to remark this, for we have possessed, since 1887, the masterly work of Professor Adolf Wahrmund († 1913): “Das Gesetz des Nomadentums und die heutige Judenherrschaft”: (The Law of Nomadism and the present-day domination by the Jews).



[Page 48]


Therefore he holds sides with mortgages, pledge papers, stocks and shares, bills of exchange, and all other paper values, which can be stuck comfortably in the pocket, and carried away.


Just as little interest is shown by the Hebrew in the production of the native soil; his instinct for “dealing”, drives him to desire that all articles, on their journey from producer to consumer, should travel as far as possible, and consequently be made to pass, as frequently as possible, the turnpikes of his middleman monopoly. The more that goods wander about the world, and the more that nations become dependent upon what they import from foreign countries, so much the better for the Hebrew. It is on this account that he endeavours, by all means, to check and to complicate the simple and straightforward course, which the exchange of goods would naturally take. He thrusts himself everywhere between producers and consumers, and strives, wherever it is possible, so to arrange matters, that not even the smallest business shall be completed without his interference. In countries where the Jews sit close to one another, this system has been perfected to a marvellous extent. J. C. Kohl, for instance, relates in his “Journeys in the interior of Russia and Poland, that in Poland it is not possible to conclude either an important or unimportant piece of business without the mediation of a Jew.

The nobleman sells his wheat to the shipper through the Jew, the master of the house engages his servants, his steward, his cooks, yes, even the instructors and tutors for his son through the Jew.

Estates are let, money is collected, stores are bought etc. through the agency of the Jew; in short, one feeds, travels, rides, lodges and clothes one’s self through the mediation of the Jew.


Formerly the Jews were also the sole tenants of the Customs, Mines and Salt-works in Poland.*



* Leipzig 1841. — This work is still regarded by those acquainted with the conditions as correct and reliable. — See also Richard Andree: “Zur Volkskunde der Juden” (National information concerning the Jews) page 213.



[Page 49]


T. von Langenfeldt in his book Russland im 19. Jahrhundert” (Russia in the 19th Century) gives a picture of the interaction of Jewish business activities, and of the far-flung net of their helpers and helpers’ helpers: 

“At the annual markets where the Jews are permitted to do business, the dealing takes on a certain feverish aspect. They appear in enormous numbers, and sell their goods, both wholesale and retail, from booths and stalls, or hawk them from house to house. Around each Jewish wholesale dealer swarm hundreds of poor Jews, who obtain goods from him on credit, and sell the same retail. One Jew supports another; they have their own bankers, brokers, agents — yes, even their own carmen. Over the whole of western and southern Russia there is spread an innumerable host of commission agents and factors, employed by rich Jewish wholesale merchants. These form the connecting link between the merchants and the producers, between the more distant markets and the commercial centres. The duties of these agents consist in purchasing goods, and in writing periodical reports, with which they have to furnish their masters, concerning every economic novelty, concerning the prices of every possible product, imparting at the same time their views as to the advantage of this or that commercial operation”.


And further:

Besides the commission agents, the brokers are absolutely indispensable for Jewish trade. The business of the broker consists in knowing everything, hunting up everything, bringing the interested parties together, watching the actions of those people who have any kind of relations to the merchant — in one word: to represent all the interests of his principal. The broker is a living price-list, in whom the prices, the quantity, the quality, and the location of the goods for sale — in fact everything which can interest the purchaser, is recorded.

Almost every Jew is a broker; yes, one is entitled to maintain that he is born to the part”.

The brokers on any particular market do not allow any stranger to enter the same, and do not themselves attempt to enter any strange market, but recommend their clients to go to a broker known to them, at the place in question. There are special brokers for the grain, tallow, salt, and timber trades. Where Jews exclusively live, the whole country is covered with a net of brokers, who penetrate into the most remote economic corners of each district. The broker understands how to make himself indispensable everywhere, and to everybody. The estate owner, and especially the Polish estate-owner, is the born friend of the Jew, who flatters him, abases himself before him, knows always where and how money can be procured, and where he — the estate owner — can dispose of his produce to the best advantage”.


  • Berlin 1875. — See “Handbuch der Judenfrage” (Handbook to the Jewish Question) 27 Edition pages 100 – 111.


[Page 50]


From the above characteristic motives springs the mania of the Hebrew to give the preference to all foreign goods. He is always the first to bring novelties from foreign countries, and is an indefatigable praiser of everything foreign. He is always ready with an assurance that the foreign article is better than the native; he even goes so far as to maintain that foreign corn is more nourishing than that grown by German peasants. He knows full well that the native product very easily discovers the direct road from producer to consumer without requiring his services as middleman; and this sticks in his gizzard.


He would like to make production just like consumption — dependent upon himself, and to get it completely into his power; he therefore tries to separate the two processes, and to thrust himself between them. The business of the middleman has become to such an extent the second nature of the Jew, that he regards it with favour also, when practised by others, so long as he does not lose any advantage thereby. Manufacturers, who deliver exclusively to their representatives, the latter themselves, as well as the great army of agents, brokers, and commission men, who do not stand in direct competition with Jews, are wont to praise the Jews on account of the punctilious respect, which the latter pay to every kind of middle-man business. The Jew’s ideal would be to convert Germany into a one-sided industrial country, importing all raw material and food-stuffs from abroad, and compelled to export again the greater part of its industrial products. In this case both the raw material and the finished article must pass through the hands of the middle-man, and his control of the market would be complete. But this would be accompanied also by the political control of the state. The nearer this ideal brings the Hebrew to the social-democrat of Marxian* tendencies, the further it separates him from all representatives of national work.


  • Karl Marx (1818-1883) was of Jewish origin, like Ferd. Lassalle (1825—1864) and many other notorious social-democratic magnates.


[Page 51]


Therefore the Jew is a sworn enemy of agriculture in the home country. He persecutes with fanatical hatred the “agrarian”, who by his diligent production, interferes with the commercial monopoly of the Jew. For this reason the latter is never tired of singing the praises of international free-trade, of abusing protective duties, of inciting the inhabitants of towns against the country-folk, and of endeavouring, as far as possible, to sow discord between the two.


The Hebrew fraternity is favoured by yet another circumstance in its control of the economic life, and that is: — the peculiar morality.


[Page 52]




Click to go to >>


I – Preface

II – Jewish Methods in the Economic Life

III – Particular Business Tactics of the Jew

IV – The International Connection and Secret League of the Hebrews

V – The Peculiar Morality of Jewdom

VI – An Explanation with Sombart

VII – Jewish Successes in Modern Times

VIII – The Stock-Exchange

IX – How Sound Business Methods are Forced Out of the Field by the Jews

X – Jewish Trade Specialities

XI – Moral Principles in Trade

XII – The Hebrews as Supporters of Capitalism

XIII – Business and Religion

XIV – The Race Problem

XV – Origin of the Jewish Entity

XVI – The Influence of the Jew Upon Womankind

XVII – The Jews and the World-War; Concluding Words



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Version 5: Jan 4, 2020 — Re-uploaded images and PDF for version.


Version 4: Feb 12, 2017 — Improved formatting.


Version 3: Added chapter links and new cover image – Sep 27, 2014


Version 2: Added PDF file – May 12, 2014


Version 1: Published May 10, 2014

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